THE ENVIRONMENT AS A SECURITY ISSUE
INTRODUCTION
Environmental security (ES) becomes a key objective in long-range environmental policy. The disturbing rate of global environmental change, on the one hand, and the signs of exceeding the earth's system limits by humankind, on the other, are now increasingly considered in terms of human security and viewed much more urgent and important a future challenge than the issue of war and peace, especially at the end of the cold war. This view has been widely shared, including the developing nations since the late 1980s-early 1990s. (Enhancing the Economic Role of the United Nations. South Centre, Oct.1992; Bjorkbon,L. et als., 1992; Soroos,M. 1989; Young.,O. 1989).
The central idea of defining the environment in terms of security is to help move it to the top of the priority list of political actors (Lodgaard, Sverre, 1990. 'Environmental Conflict Resolution', paper presented at the UNEP meeting on 'Environmental Conflict Resolution', Nairobi, 30 March.). Negatively affected ecosystems with their boundaries not corresponding to political boundaries between states lead to international tensions and conflicts because of trans-boundary pollution transfer or shared environmental resource situations.
For the first time in history, humans are upsetting the very life support systems of the planet. The resultant changes will disrupt living conditions and economies and, consequently, provoke conflict. And if these changes are not arrested, or at least managed satisfactorily, they will have profound and probably irreversible consequences that will the security of nations (Mansfield, William H., III, 1992. 'Editorial', Our Planet, vol.4, p.2).
In discussing the notion of environmental security, several related issues are to be considered such as its relationship with conventional military security which immediately comes to mind when any notion of security is treated, whether military security leads to environmental security concern, or it is becoming obsolete and environmental security substitutes it or complement. Furthermore, the issues of environmental security and its relationship with national, international and global security involve the consideration of such notions as threats, risks, vulnerability, regional stability. Furthermore, environmental security is usually considered to be different from the security of the environment, the latter being closer to the notion of environmental protection.
The military security and the environment
The preoccupation with military security in both developed ('capitalist' and 'socialist') during the 'Cold war' period and developing countries used to overshadow other security dimensions. In addition, military capacity seemed to be paramount to protect identity and territorial integrity of nation-states.
The break-up of the USSR and the Eastern military block as well as the ensuing end of the Cold War removed threats of a global nuclear war and the need in expensive preparatory military activity involving the military use of technological change as well as natural, intellectual and labor resources. However, the recent upsurge of local military conflicts, often related to ethnic and religious disputes (such as in Yugoslavia or in Russia over the Chechen area), have brought severe local environmental degradation from the use of conventional as well as environmental 'weapons' (e.g., burning oil wells in the Gulf war, blowing up a dam in the conflict in Moldavia) with long-term consequences. Interestingly enough, the withdrawal of Russia from the huge armaments market (Russia and the USA were the two dominant and competing powers in it for a long time) and the ensuing reduction of its volume has not led to fewer violent international or intranational conflicts or to lessening international terrorism.
The so called non-allied nations defying the then world's dichotomy developed their own military capability, still largely using weapons supplied by countries from the two blocks. The recent nuclear weaponry tests by India and Pakistan echo the ideology of that period.
A Third World war scenarios on which military security policies used to be based have been replaced by the more realistic possibility of proliferating regional conflicts and terrorist attacks which has become the justification of the military forces and military security. It is also argued that the military may be needed of the military to quell environment-related tension. It may be necessary to use military means to prevent the destruction of the rain forests. Thus, the securization of the environment may help perpetuate the historical practice of justifying the use of force by referring to seemingly objective needs. (Brock, Lothar. (Peace Research Institute Frankfirt, Germany).The environment and security: conceptual and theoretical issues in book "Conflict and the Environment".Ed.by N.P.Gleditsch in collaboration with L.Brock, T.Homer-Dixon, R.Perelet, E. Vlachos. Kluwer Academic Publishers, p.20).
Sometimes, concern is expressed over environmental threats to military personnel stationed abroad. Its focus on water quality, infectious disease and so on (R. Matthew, Feb. 11). The US Department of Defense argues that they are fully integrating environmental protection into the military mission: from the top generals to the newest privates, the military automatically consider the environment in making their decisions. Militaries can use their technical capabilities, infrastructure, and management ability to achieve environmental goals, this reduces their impact on the environment. (Remarks for Sherri Goodman at the Woodrow Center Meeting, May 9, 1997.)
Box 1
CLINTON TELLS CADETS BE READY FOR BIOLOGICAL ATTACK
US President Bill Clinton told graduating cadets at the Naval
Academy on May 22, 1998 that the availability of biological
agents and advances in biotechnology mean that the United States must be
prepared for an attack involving biological weapons against armed
forces or civilians.
The President outlined four critical areas of focus:
First, if terrorists release bacteria or viruses to harm Americans, we must be able to identify the pathogens with speed and certainty. The new plan will seek to improve public health and medical surveillance systems so the alarm can be sounded fast. These improvements will benefit preparedness for a biological weapons attack, and will pay off in an enhanced ability to respond quickly and effectively to outbreaks of emerging infectious diseases.
Second, emergency response personnel must have the training and equipment to do their jobs. Building on current programs, President Clinton's plan will ensure that federal, state and local authorities have the resources and the knowledge they need to deal with a crisis.
Third, medicines and vaccines are needed to treat those who fall sick or prevent those at risk from falling ill because of a biological weapons attack. President Clinton will propose the creation of an unprecedented civilian medical stockpile. The choice of medicines and vaccines to be stockpiled will be made on the basis of the pathogens that are most likely to be in the hands of terrorists or hostile powers.
Fourth, the revolution in biotechnology offers enormous possibilities
for combating biological weapons. President Clinton's plan will set out
a coordinated research and development effort to use the advances in genetic
engineering and biotechnology to create the next generation of medicines,
vaccines and diagnostic tools for use against these weapons.
An additional $1 billion for chemical and biological defense have been
added to the Five-Year Defense Plan, the President said.
Copyright (c) 1998 Environment News Service (ENS) unless noted otherwise.
Military security, being in principle an environmentally unsound activity if only because it uses natural resources and human labor for non-productive activities (a kind of overheads for the national economy) and tempts to use the environment for military purposes, including environmental warfare. International efforts, such as the Enmod convention, the ban on nuclear testing in the air, water and on the ground were made to protect the environment from the most acute military related destruction.
Many of these intentional activities against or using the environment to achieve superiority over the adversary as well as prospective eco-terrorism are not covered by current international conventions and need to be duly and urgently addressed.
The military to civil activity conversion has led to prevailing peace 'penalties' instead of immediate dividends because the destruction of weapons and huge military stockpiles requires special technologies which need to be designed and which should be environmentally sound. They should usually deal with dangerous chemical substances. In addition, concern is expressed over environmental problems which may result from the erosion of bombs disposed of in the Baltic, the North, the White seas after World War II, the remnants of the Soviet submarine 'Komsomolets' sunk in the sea of Barents, etc. Thus, military threats are usually the result of intentional measures or neglect of future unthought-through consequence.
Environmental Threats
However, the security of individuals, communities, nation-states, and the global community as a whole is increasingly jeopardised because of unpremeditated environmental, non-military, threats. These threats are seen to be exacerbated within the coming decades and should be addressed collectively or through globally agreed upon efforts. Their settlement could be effected peacefully through enhanced negotiation mechanisms, technological change, legal instruments, economic measures, and safeguarded by the availability of fast response international military forces to nip any violence in the bud, including international ecoterrorism as it starts.
Otherwise, environmental threats give rise to military forms of their resolution in search of gaining superiority over traditionally viewed enemies while 'the enemy' can be out of reach spatially (in the case of acid depositions) and time-wise (e.g., carbon dioxide released by J.Watt's first steam engine - "the enemy" - is still in the atmosphere contributing to climate change). Along with economic security issues, often coupled with military ones, human security appeared prominent after the World War II and that led to the colonial system breakup and later, especially with the CSCE-Amnesty International efforts, to the global human rights concern. Similar to military security, certain levels of human rights were achieved nationally and inter-country disparity in human rights leveled out.
Environmental scarcity problems and conflict
The UNEP's former executive director M.Tolba stressed in 1990 that the international diplomacy of the next 50 years would be locked into the chaos and disruption created by the wasting of the natural foundation of the global economy. He argued that 'the great danger is that we will not see the environmental dimensions behind the new conflicts' and maintained that without global cooperation and financial commitment, escalating environmental tensions can trigger 21st century eco-wars (Tolba, M., 1990). However, security erosion already takes place even without open social intra- and international conflicts.
Environmental factors are densely intertwined with political, economic, social, and cultural factors, so that there are very few, if any, conflicts that could be strictly defined as environmental conflicts. (Brock, L, 1997,p.22).
It is often argued that scarcity of natural or environmental resources
leads to conflicts (see Box 1). The role of environmental degradation
and scarcity in causing conflict is the subject of lively debate in the
US Department of Defense. Despite the lack of consensus about these
issues, it is viewed that resource abuse and rocketed conditions such as
high population growth rates, urbanization and migration, and the
spread of infectious diseases may contribute significantly to instability
around the world. (Remarks for Sherri Goodman at the Woodrow Center
Meeting, May 9, 1997)
Box 2. Water scarcity may lead to violent conflicts
Dwindling water resources could threaten sustainable development and
world peace as the French President Jacques Chirac warned at
the international conference on Water and Sustainable Development hosted
by the French government at the United Nations Education, Scientific and
Cultural (UNESCO) Headquarters in March 1998. The organizations
Director-General Federico Mayor and President Chirac, told delegates that
without immediate international co-operation to solve water problems, water
wars could break out.
Speaking to government ministers from 80 countries, officials from international, local and non-governmental organizations, business leaders and scientists, Mayor cautioned that over-use, due to population growth, waste and pollution are turning water into a scarce resource. "As it becomes increasingly rare, it becomes coveted, capable of unleashing conflicts. More than petrol or land, it is over water that the most bitter conflicts of the near future may be fought," Mayor said.
Highlighting the activities of UNESCO in the field, dating back to the early 1950s, Mayor stressed that the approach of UNESCO's International Hydrological Programme to dealing with water resource problems is integrated, both qualitatively and quantitatively. It includes "beliefs, value systems, behavior, cultural habits - the interaction between water and what is generally referred to as civilization."
"Our management of water," he said, "is crucial to determining whether "the future will be that of war, whose culture we have been perpetuating for thousands of years, or of harmony among human beings, between humanity and nature, between humanity and the cosmos, which will testify to a giant stride towards maturity."
President Chirac urged immediate action, saying that water consumption
is increasing twice as fast as the world-s population - doubling every
two decades. "At the turn of the century," Chirac said, "the amount of
fresh water available to each inhabitant will be one quarter of what it
was in 1950 in Africa, and one third of what it was in Asia and Latin America."
Like Mayor, President Chirac argued that the technical means to tackle
this problem are available. "In these times of globalization, sustainable
development consists of organizing, on a global scale, a common management
of scarce resources," the French president said.
Box 3
From the speech given by Professor Dr Klaus Topfer, Federal Minister
for the Environment, Nature Conservation and Nuclear Safety in his
capacity as Chairman of the UN Commission on Sustainable Development
(CSD) at the International Conference on Population and
Development
held in Cairo from 5 to 13 September 1994
"The menacing threat of water shortage, the alarming developments in
global food production, combined with increased pollution and overuse of
the soil resulting in shortages of agricultural areas, the shortage of
energy resources and the possible results this will have on the climate
as well as our growing mountains of waste: all these are also part of the
complex challenge to be faced by each individual country and by the international
community as a whole."
However, R. Lipschutz (University of California, USA) argues that it is not environmental resource (say, water) scarcity that leads to conflicts and possible wars as Malthus and Meadows promulgated but the distribution of resources, that is for whom would food and minerals be scarce? Scarcity is not a product of 'Nature' but, rather, a consequence of control, of ownership, of property, of sovereignly, of markets. Even properly functioning markets can foster maldistribution and relative scarcity. Scarcity is only relative in this instance, but some people (and countries) do go hungry and the invocation 'to free up' markets does little to address the immediate needs of those who have neither food nor money. Relative scarcity is also a condition of boundaries, in this instance political, cultural, or social ones. the resources must remain sovereign property. In other words, scarcity is a social construction that, as mentioned above, serves the commodification of nature. (R.Lipschutz (University of California, USA). Environmental Conflict and Environmental Determinism: The Relative Importance of Social and Natural Factors,p.44)
"It is this tension between territorial sovereignty and the sovereignty of Nature that sets up the basis for problems such as 'water wars' in the first place." (p.45)
The distribution of resources among states is uneven, a condition often blamed on Nature and geography , with the result that one state finds itself needing to interact with another. A water war is simply the international equivalent of an unjust 'taking' without the constitutional trappings. Creating open, trans-border markets in water will non necessarily lead to 'water peace'. It could mean, instead, that the highest bidder wins the water and the losers get angry. For much of human history Nature was sovereign. Nature makes rules and humans were obliged to observe them or die. Sir Francis Bacon (1620): 'Nature, to be commanded, must be obeyed'. But humans escaped from that (first) Nature long ago. Of course, we do not control all geobiophysical processes that might be thrown at us. At some level we do share the same atmosphere, climate system, and hydrological cycle, but we remain separated by all kinds of boundaries, not the least of which is that demarcating power from weakness. (p.46). Thus, while the invocation of 'interdependence' as well as 'environment and conflict' as 'facts of Nature' are almost commonplace, they are virtually always judged as a cost to us, to our sovereignty and autonomy. Those who do want to alter their ways of doing things can call on national sovereignty for protection; those who want others to change their ways of doing things can call on ecological interdependence. (p.47)
The Bern group (Swiss Peace Research Foundation) headed by Kurt Spillman and Guenter Baechler makes a distinction is made between economic and ecological scarcity. Economic scarcity refers to the quantity of a resource; ecological scarcity , to its quality. Whereas economic scarcity of relative, ecological scarcity may turn absolute to the degree that degradation leads to an irreversible destruction of resources. (L.Brock, 1997, p.23)
The Toronto group (Homer-Dixon, et als) includes in its definition of environmental scarcity 'structural scarcity', which is caused by an unbalanced distribution of resources that severely affects less powerful groups in society. So, it is here, too, it is not environmental scarcity as such that determines conflict behavior; rather, it co-functions with the distributive properties of societies.
L. Brock stresses that there is a dire need to look into possibilities for striking a new balance between the commercial and the 'existential' use of natural resources and to distinguish between depletion - or scarcity - caused by commercial interests and by poverty. Environmental conditions have to be seen in their poilitical, social, economic, and cultural contexts.
Sustainable development and environmental security
The environment has so far been firmly established as a major priority issue in natural sciences and only recently in social sciences. It is on the government and international political agenda but has not yet been adequately placed on the security agenda, although some inroads were made in this direction.
The environment can now be considered as a security issue in view of increasingly unsustainable features of modern development. Environmental security (ES) is seen as protection capability of societal systems (communities) to withstand threats of (1) environmental asset scarcity, (2) environmental risks or adverse changes, and (3) environment related tensions and conflicts.
(R.Perelet (1994). The environment as a security issue. In book "The environment: towards a sustainable future. Ed. by Dutch committee for long-term environmental policy. Kluwer Academic Publishers). These components reflect major deepening conflicts between humans and the environment - (1) and (2) and among humans over the environment (3)).
They also reflect growing vulnerability of humans in front of (a) environmental
stress and (b) social unrest over the environment. Sustainable development
and ES are mutually re-enforcing. Ostensible superiority of
humans over nature since the onset of industrial revolution
with technological change breakthroughs was fueled
by economic thinking oriented at economic growth
as well as growing consumption and production as targets for
achieving well-being. It was developed at the expense of the environment
that was considered to be limitless, having infinite assimilating
capability in spite of all its disturbances. Of accounting
point of view, natural (environmental) resources were taken
as free. Their loss, e.g. cutting down
trees, contributes to the GNP growth as production output
until the last tree is cut. After that GNP sharply
falls
(WRI, Dec.1991).
The scientific revolution of the 1950s
greatly contributed to the environmental deterioration. Instead
of independence from the environment technological
change, economic development and adopted value systems increased
human insecurity and threats
from environmental changes. In fact, technological
change was the foundation of military-industrial
complex. Structural military security was
behind functional economic security. In fact
in totalitarian regimes economic, humanitarian,
and political insecurity was compensated
by overinflated military security. The growth of GNP was a reflection of
such thinking.
Developed nations handle rather
easily the three components within their countries or regions to
achieve their own environmental sufficiency. However, their
efforts are often made using the
not-in-my-backyard approach increasing the environmental North-South
disparity (and tensions) - the so-called 'environmental footprints'
, with externalities shouldered by the latter and following
generations, unless some kind of international ES management is exercised.
The direct causes of environmental change and the scarcity
are linked with the established pattern of technological change. The latter
is influenced by established economic
mechanisms and instruments aimed at patterns of traditional neoclassical
economics oriented at economic growth with modern consumption
and production patterns which, in its turn, are linked
with the disregard of environmental values.
Evolution of Environmental Concern
The environment has been a human security concern (in fact, a survival issue) for humans for millennia. Devastating natural disasters claiming lives, disrupting economic activity, ruining human artifacts, affecting life styles are still often handled at top national and, sometimes, international levels. However, technological change (the build-up of the technosphere) made an illusion of human independence or their protection from nature adverse impacts.
In the late 19th century, burgeoning natural resource intensive industrial activity led to the creation of small public (mainly, scientific) groups urging the protection of animals and plants from overexploitation. The scientific environmental movement culminated in setting up the International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources (IUCN) in Switzerland in 1948 that co-authored the World Conservation Strategy in 1978. The International Geosphere-Biosphere Programme was launched in the late 1980s and later complemented with the Human Dimensions of Global Environmental Change Programme. Thus, the environment became a scientific community priority issue.
The scientific revolution in the 1950s resulted in the growing understanding, only twenty years later, of severe negative human-made quantitative and qualitative changes in the human environment. In addition to social limitations imposed on technological development, environmental limits were recognized. Scientists, and the public at large, joined efforts to make governments heed environmental problems and change the course of development.
The 1972 UN Stockholm conference set up UNEP and gave rise to environment institution building at government levels. However, they became essentially environmental conservation and clean-up sectoral agencies loosely connected with other ministries. Particular attention was drawn to environmental, end-of-the-pipe controls that sometimes added another sector of the economy instead of permeating it. However, the UNCED vividly demonstrated the importance of the environment-economy nexus and the need to bring the business community in it. The environment figures prominently on the North-South agenda nowadays. Thus, the environment has become a government priority both nationally and in international fora.
In the meantime, the environment, in particular its purposeful modification, played a role to gain military superiority. The environment was both a target and a weapon in military action which gave rise to a body of international legislation in order to stop this use of the environment (Westing A.,1984; 1986). Its lacunas are vivid from the recent examples of using oil for marine and air pollution in the Gulf war and blowing up a dam protecting a pond with hazardous chemicals during the Moldavia ethnic military conflict to pollute a nearby river that was a fresh water supply source. The use of the environment as a weapon in conflict may develop in view of future natural resource scarcities (Gleik, P., 1992)
The intentional adverse use of the environment as a weapon in settling disputes should not be discarded as manifested in the Gulf war. The notions of 'the environmental terrorism', environmental crimes are now discussed. Military related environmental adverse human impacts during numerous local wars fuel international tension.
In the mid-80s it was noted by UNEP's executive director that the thread of national security, and hence the thread of global security, was interwoven with the environmental issues at hand. (Tolba, M., May 1984). He also stated that the traditional military concept of security was becoming increasingly obsolete.(Tolba, M., Oct.1984).
In the meantime environmental stress (due to a growing scarcity
of environmental resources and a dwindling
quality of those available) became a
recognized source and effect of political
tension and military conflict, i.e. a security issue. (Our
Common Future, WCED, 1987). It was pointed out that the future well-being
of the human race, its security on this planet,
depends on minimizing and managing negative environmental
effects of human activities, whether they result from industrial
pollution or the pollution of poverty. The relationship between environmental
issues and their management and national and
international security were taken as a given. (UNEP,
1989).
Hence, the environment became a security
concern. However, it is not treated so institutionally neither at national
or international levels yet. Various proposals were made to set up a UN
environmental security (ES) council or an ES committee
at the UN security council before the UNCED (Evteev et als,1989;
Gebremedhin et als.,1989) but the latter
did not even discuss environmental security matters. In fact, it was noted
that early on in 1989 the Western group made it
clear that military activities would not be a subject for negotiation under
UNCED (The Earth Summit, 1992). That may have entailed
that the whole area of environmental security was left out to be dealt
with in the post-UNCED period. After
the conference M.Strong, UNCED secretary-general, stressed the necessity
of 'investment in environmental security' (Strong, M., 1992).
The book "The world environment 1972-1992.
Two decades of challenge". Ed. by M.Tolba, O.El-Kholy, E.El-Hinnawi,
M.Holdgate, D.McMichael and R.Munn. UNEP. Chapman &
Hall.London stresses that the concept of security has evolved into a view
that embraces the interlocking elements
of environmental security, individual security,
societal security, economic security, and
military security. It is now abundantly clear
that the insecurities that first occur in or around those parts of
the world facing serious environmental problems,
particularly in the least developed countries,
spread out quickly to threaten whole regions. There are also signs
that conflicts over shared water resources could increase in several
parts of the world.(UNEP. Nov.1992). Environmental
security is viewed as an inseparable component
of comprehensive international security, the upholding
of which is a shared responsibility
of the entire international
community. (N.Gebremedhin et als.,1989).
Various agencies of the US government use the concept of environmental security including: the Central Intellegence Agency, Defense Intellegence, Deaprtment of Defence, Department of State, and the Environment Protection Agemcy. There is no official definition that unifies thinking and action related to environmental security; rather, each group has developed its own understanding. Thus the CIA and Defense tend to stress the relationship between environmental change and conflict and instability. (R.Matthew. School of Foreign Service, Gergetown University, his letter of Feb. 11, 1998)
US President Clinton and Secretary of Defence Aspin have creayed a new position - that of the deputy under-secretary of defense for environmental security - in the Department of Defense to highlight the importance of the environment in national security. The Clinton Administration is unified in recognizing that environment is important to US national security, and can be a factor in conflicts throughout the world. In his Earth Day statement in April 1997, secretary of defence Cohen said, "environmental protection is critical to the Defense Department mission and environmental considerations shall be integrated into all defense activities'. (Remarks for Sherri Goodman at the Woodrow Center Meeting, May 9, 1997)
Re-defining Security
The Palme Commission advocated 'common security' (Independent Commission on Disarmament and Security Issues.1982) focussing on the mutual vulnerability of contemporary societies that challenges the usefulness of unilateral national military security and calls for mutual co-operation and disarmament. However, it failed to consider the environmental dimension.
There are numerous definitions of security. S.Lodgaard stresses that traditionally, the goal of national security policies has been twofold: (1) to preserve territorial integrity; and (2) to preserve the right to self-determination. In his view the concept of environmental security is fairly precise and politically useful, albeit still rather controversial. (Lodgaard, S., 1992).
It is also argued that security is about providing protection from threats to social order (Dalby, S.,1992). In fact, at the national level security is provided by the state to its people. It has never been limited to military security covering traditional social (including human rights), medical (medicare), and economic (protecting entrepreneurial and other economic activity). Military forces have been just one of the security maintaining instruments. Thus, objects of security activity are traditionally the country's integrity and its protection in the international community. The country's integrity includes the security of its people with their health and wellbeing, territory, economic activity, social (and political) institutions, social order, and lately sound environment (integrity of ecosystems and natural cycles). The international dimension of national security includes the creation or maintenance of international climate conducive to the country's sustainable development whatever it means depending on a selected strategy.
The impossibility of performing these tasks alone leads countries to create military, political, economic alliances on some common basis (territorial, ideological, cultural, humanitarian grounds). In international agreements, conventions or organizations, states always give away some part of their sovereignty and decision-making capacity to an international entity (a treaty, convention, agreement, organization). Moreover, trans-boundary transfer of pollutants, regional, and global environmental issues are permeating national boundaries and can conventionally be treated as the infringement of national sovereignty or an aggression. Obviously, that represents an environmental threat to the population health, erodes buildings, monuments, paintings as in the case of acid deposition and, thus, affects environmental security. However, this 'aggression' is usually unpremeditated and it is hard to identify 'the enemy'. Even if the polluting country is identified, the military solution is often inapplicable.
It has been known for centuries that natural resources, along with territorial claims (another natural resource) and people as additional labor force, are often the main goals in international conflicts with the use of violence and military weaponry. Such violent, often unlawful, action of one country against another is usually called 'aggression'. The confronting parties in a conflict are called 'enemies' or 'adversaries'. The protection of the nation-state (with its population, social institutions, economic wealth, etc.) as well as its sovereignty from an aggression or a threat thereof is, in fact, 'security'. Therefore, the military security is such protection based on military means (weapons and associated technology). The notions of 'vulnerability', 'threat', 'deterrence', 'military sufficiency', 'parity' are in general use.
The distinction between threats and vulnerabilities points to a key division in security policy, namely, that states can seek to reduce their insecurity either by reducing their vulnerability or by preventing or lessening threats. In other words national security policy can either focus inward, seeking to reduce the vulnerabilities of the state itself, or outward, seeking to reduce external threat by addressing its sources.(Buzan, B., 1992)
Environmental threats (adverse changes) often result from international environmental problems: the waters around Denmark are fouled up, not only by that country, but by those of all other North and Baltic sea countries; the Chernobyl accident is another example of an international environmental threat (Peterson, N., 1988) In future 'unconventional threats' may pose a greater problem for Canada and the international community than the standard or conventional threats. It is stressed that a new definition of security must include, in particular, an appreciation of the importance of resources and the environment as key components of security. (Lonergan, S., 1992). Environmental changes may become a cause of acute conflict. (Homer-Dixon,T.,1991).
Heavy guns were used during the 'Cod War' in the North Sea as recently as in the mid-70s. This was an example of a military conflict around an extraterritorial natural (environmental) resource' or, to be exact, an environmental resource in extraterritorial waters.
The two major converging trends occurred recently.
First, the notion of security has acquired
specific object (or external undesirable change) orientation
such as food security, humanitarian (human rights
protection) security, economic security,
and environmental (or ecological) security.
On the other hand, natural
resources (or assets) are now considered to be
part of the broader notion of the environment while the notion
of resources is being stretched. In fact, environmental amenity such
as a nicely looking landscape is seen
as an non-exhaustible environmental resource. In addition,
changes in the environment with adverse direct or indirect impact on
human health and welfare are given much attention.
The resulting uneven worsening of environmental situation (because of the uneven local impact of global, regional, and international environmental problems) for nation-states and people or of their access to environmental resources has lately been contributing to intra- and international tension. Furthermore, the property rights to unconventional environmental resources (the atmosphere, outer space, international water bodies, etc.) are often unclear or not properly specified which exacerbates tension. In addition to the above unpremeditated adverse environmental impact countries can intentionally resort to using the environment as a weapon (environmental warfare) or that can be undertaken by individuals (ecoterrorism).
The developing nations stress the necessity of an updated, more comprehensive definition of 'collective security' that should include tackling, in particular, environemntal problems and thus the underlying national and international causes of conflict that may otherwise later require emergency peace-keeping measures. (The South Centre, Oct.1992). They point out that potentially conflicting issues are multiplying in the South and the North, including, in particular, the environment. The future development of the countries of the South, now increasingly described in terms of 'sustainable development', depend significantly on 'environmental space' to accommodate their industrialization and rising living standards, that must essentially be made available through corrective actions on the part of the developed countries to reduce current and future pressures on the environment. (The South Centre, Aug.1992).
Security is increasingly related to the pursuit of freedom from threat and in the international context (Buzan,B., 1992, p.13). It is about the ability of states and societies to maintain their independent identity and their functional integrity with the bottom line being about survival and existence. However, above this line things may even be more blurred and be easily mixed up with everyday uncertainties of life. B.Buzan treats the personal security of individuals as secondary making the sovereign territorial state the standard unit of security. Most states are bureaucratically much better equipped to be sensitive to military, political and societal threats than they are to environmental ones. Regional, trans-boundary, and global environmental changes and threats thereof are beyond the capacity of individual states and call for collective international efforts. Furthermore, the notion of sovereignty becomes fuzzy because of trans-boundary and global environmental problems.
Breaking down the security of human collectivities into five major interdependent sectors - military, political, economic, societal, and environmental - B.Buzan defines the latter as the maintenance of the local and the planetary biosphere as the essential support system on which all other human enterprises depend.
B.Buzan discusses the notion of national
security and its environmental dimension. He argues that an uncontested
universal and all-purpose definition of security may be impossible since
security is akin to such notions as
love, justice, equality, power, and liberty. But while it is a
tricky idea to apply, it also has enormous
power as an instrument
of social and political mobilization. Security is a positive
value. It can be seen as a right. To
classify something as a security issue is to legitimize exceptional
measures of collective action. He points out that those who wish to raise
the political profile of environment need
to consider carefully whether their purposes are best served by casting
environmental issues in security terms, or whether it would be wiser to
address them as part of the economic agenda. (B.Buzan)
New Dimensions of Security
Traditional security thinking centers on the nation-state and is linked with 'actor' (or enemy-state) related military or non-military (e.g., trade barriers, embargoes) threats. Structural threats like resource depletion and degradation, AIDS, drugs or environmental threats are also often considered in terms of looking for and dealing with an enemy.
The natural environment has become a medium of unintentional environmental aggression or intrusion through the trans-boundary transfer of air and water pollutants (another kind of 'bads'). The global environmental change is causing a general international concern and its effects can unevenly struck individual nations.
Ecology suggests a different understanding of security. Strength is not measured in terms of physical metaphors but in terms of diversity and redundancy. Survival relates to sustainability which depends on cycling and conservation of resources. Environmental security challenges the claims of state sovereignty, precise boundaries, and military force. It also challenges the modern presuppositions of security and sovereignty as control.
Environmental security offers a
more fruitful basis for cooperation among nations than
military security because it is both a positive and inclusive concept
requiring and nurturing more stable and cooperative relationships
among nations (Renner,M.,1989).
Many environment related conflicts over the years follow
this pattern of thinking, especially
between countries sharing terrestrial and
marine ecosystems (e.g., regional
seas, international rivers, extraterritorial fisheries, trans-boundary
air pollution), have shown that the environment is
also a national security problem, though
of subregional or regional scale. Environmental
pressures and competition for resources, especially within
the global 'commons' are expected to give rise to additional conflicts
among nations. (Pirages, D.C., 1992). Environmental
threats to peace and security are growing at a frightening pace. The global
environmental changes may become the major
non-military threat to international security and
the future of the global economy (MacNeil,J. Winter 1989-90).
Environmental security presupposes looking for sources and actors behind them (since many environmental changes are human made or induced and sources are linked with some societal institutional structures - communities, companies, nation-states) but since environmental 'threats' are usually non-premeditated, actors with whom environmental threats should be discussed should not be treated as enemies. However, the first reaction was to impose sanctions, develop a conflict or even resort to fighting (e.g., the 'cod' war in the North sea). Recently, attempts to look for environmental parity solutions have recently started. They are discussed later in this paper.
Diplomatic conferences on environmental issues (e.g. combating the ozone layer depletion), the development of environmental domestic and international law, the adoption of a package of resolutions on environmental matters at every UN General Assembly session, the placement of the environment on the agenda of G-7, G-77 countries, the North-South dialogue, NATO, EC, and other global significance international fora stressed the political dimension of environmental problems since they affected integrity of the national and international relations fabric.
In 1985, the Warsaw Treaty Organization adopted a statement on the consequences of arms race for the environment and other aspects of environmental security ('Soviet Russia', 1988). A draft resolution on international environmental security was discussed at the 42nd UN GA (UN, 1987; UN, 1988) but failed to be adopted because the difference between environmental security and environmental protection was not clearly indicated and, in addition, it was also not clear how to make this concept operational. However, western diplomats, being not certain about the validity of the subject per se, were suspicious towards it if only because it was introduced by Soviet block countries. The Soviet foreign policy in the late 1980s, specially in the UN, contained an apparent environmental component in an attempt to invigorate ineffective internal environmental activities. (Perelet, R., 1988; Shevardnadze,E., 1989)
UN GA Resolution 42/442 on environmental security referred the matter to the 43rd UN GA session at which the ES notion was dropped. Despite these developments the concept of ES is still being actively debated among scientists and international fora. In late 1991, NATO adopted a new strategic concept that recognized an environmental component of security. (NATO, 1991).
The 1992 UN Conference on the Environment and Development (UNCED) has firmly linked the environment with development, adding economic factors to ecological and legal ones. Placing environmental issues only on the economic agenda would narrow their scope and significance. However, the UNCED failed to address military and other delicate security dimensions of the environment.
However, the access to useful natural resources and the expansion of territories were always national security issues in the economic domain. In fact, wars for natural resources and territories were considered to be an extension of the national economic policy by military means.
Concern over 'environmental security' has grown dramatically as scientific evidence mounts on the consequences of acid precipitation, the depletion of the stratospheric ozone layer, and global warning. (Soroos,M., 1990).
Environmental security for Sustainable Development
According to J.Galtung security is based on the goals of the environment and development systems (Galtung,J.1982). S.Lodgaard underlines that environmental conflicts are becoming more urgent. These fall into two categories: human beings against nature - a question of sustainability; and human beings against other humans - a question of development. The key to conflict resolution is sustainable development (Lodgaard, S., 1992).
The concept of sustainable development indicated in the World Conservation Strategy in the late 70s and made the cornerstone of the Bruntdland Commission report has received general international support at the UNCED. The attention is now turned to changing patterns of life style (production and consumption patterns) and the population growth issue as well as the management of international environmental externalities, international and global commons, the distribution of environmental costs (liabilities) and benefits among nations. The elaboration of international and national environmentally sound 'rules of the game' in economic activities to make use of dynamic market forces and entrepreneurship for correcting 'market failures' and improving the state of the environment.
A change from economic and socio-economic development (with economic growth indicators and monetary economy), from the environmental protection to socio-environmental sustainable development (aiming at social and environmental objectives) with an effective (economic) mechanism of allocating resources to meet human wants and preferences.
Environmental security issues also challenge the political organization of 'development', and the perpetuation of modern (state) models of social organization, and the global political order to establish innovative new modes of governance. In many ways they point to the inadequacy of market and state run economic arrangements to meet the basic needs of populations. Environmental themes have also facilitated the construction of new political networks linking grassroots groups into an expanding global civil society. Environmental movements are also operating in ways that violate the theme of the state as a political container. (Dalby,S. 1992, p.515).
In environmental issues often the most important political factors are local citizens groups, social movements, international environmental organizations, transnational corporations or the social arrangements of land tenure. In linking environment to solely state defined understandings of security there is a danger of only addressing government agencies and advocating their survival. (Dalby,S, 1992, p.517). In fact, in the mid-80s three quarters of the world's development was financed by the private sector (UNEP, May 1985) that was the major source of environmental stress.
Security cannot be provided by continuously denuding ecological resources and assuming that the miracles of the market and military technology will always provide the answer (Dalby,S, 1992, p.518).
It has become habitual that international environmental issues need to be considered in a systemic way and not limited to a clean-up issue. Environmental values are being considered on their own merit along with material and social values. Rights of individuals to healthy environment are declared to be possibly complemented by rights of individuals, communities, and countries to environmental security. However, conceptually the notion of environmental security has not been broadly accepted, though it has been discussed in the scientific community for more than a decade.
Institutionally, environmental security issues are often handled by governments and international community on an ad hoc and piecemeal basis. There are strong warnings that humankind is beyond limits. One of the characteristics of that situation is increasing conflict over resources or pollution emission rights, less social solidarity, more hoarding, and greater gaps between haves and have-nots (Meadows,D. 1992).
Natural disasters severely affecting poorer (more vulnerable) countries require huge resources to mend their consequences and often lead to the displacement of people to other countries causing or exacerbating international tension and calling for humanitarian assistance.
Human-induced natural disasters and environmental changes affecting unevenly many or all countries raise the question of settling international disputes about the size of contribution of individual countries to these changes and of impact (damage) incurred by others as well as of liabilities of the former and the distribution of liabilities among the latter.
The rising density and the scale of human activity that are significantly associated with the market as the main driving force of expanding human activity and the growing population lie behind major environmental changes and cause environmentally related international tension and conflicts (polluting externalities and the 'not-in-my-backyard' approach). Like economic cycles, many environmental changes represent threats without agents that complicate the security issue. The security label is a useful way both signalling danger and setting priority as well as characterizing environmental issues for political purposes. It is especially urgent now that the military security agenda has scaled down from global to local conflict resolution while environmental and economic one gets more dynamic and more central to day-to-day concerns.
Human conflicts with (or pressure on) the environment necessarily lead to environmentally related conflicts among humans. To different economies, environmental security may have a different national or regional emphasis.
Advanced industrialized nations may be concerned to continue access to resources of the global commons for their own exploitation; with harmful effects of pollution (in water bodies and the atmosphere) that affect the quality of their own national resources; and with industrial, technological, and other hazards of toxic or radioactive releases.
H.Daly and J.Cobb discuss the three greatest threats to the security of the United States: environmental, the decline of national morale and economic decline. The environmental threat is the erosion of the soil, the pollution of the air and water, the extinction of species, the poisoning of the land by chemicals and nuclear was, and the combined threat of ozone depletion and the greenhouse effect (Daly,H., Cobb Jr.,J. 1990).
On the other hand, developing nations may be more concerned with the immediate satisfaction of their basic needs, including needs for food, fuel, or water, and get compensation for environmental externalities they have to bear. T.Homer-Dixon singles out four principles, often interlinked, social effects of environmental changes: decreased agricultural production, economic decline, population displacement, and disruption of legitimized and authoritative institutions and social relations (Homer-Dixon,T., 1992). Environment related human health impairment could be easily added to this list.
Environmental security should be equitable for states, cultures, and generations. Problems of environmental security cannot be solved within national frontiers which usually do not correspond with ecosystem boundaries. The notion of sovereignty is difficult (if not impossible) to maintain within an ecological frame of reference. The very essence of ecology is based on the concept of interdependence rather than independence. As a first approximation, it could be argued that environmental security problems must be responded to at the ecosystem level at which they occur, whether inter-state or encompassing international commons (Gebremedhin,N. et als.,1989).
Economics for community aims at the sufficiency of goods for the sake of community well-being, and not at the endless growth of production and consumption. The sufficiency sought must take account of the community's need fort security, but this way of thinking is disinclined to identify security with quantity of arms and their technological sophistication. On the other side, an economics of community is committed to serving the national well-being. It sees that well-being in comprehensive ways, and security is a prominent part thereof.(Daly,H.,.Cobb Jr.,J., 1990, p.333).
Nowadays diminishing traditional resource quantity (physical scarcity) is now supplemented by new resources and, what is really new, by waning resource quality which leads to the search for both additional and better quality resources internationally.
Therefore, in addition to the scarcity of traditional natural resources (such as fossil minerals) attention has lately and increasingly been drawn to the expanded notion of resources, namely, to the environmental resources the scarcity (in terms of depletion and loss of biodeversity) of which may be considered as a factor in international tension. These additional considerations reflect the appearance of new scarcities such as those of drinking water, topsoil, conditionally renewable natural resources (e.g. forests, biodiversity), natural amenities. The natural environment is viewed not only as a shrinking source of goods but also a limited sink for bads (waste).
The present generation may forclose a number of options for the future generations which could result in inter-generational tension. However, it is hard to tell in which way it can be manifested (e.g., the neglect of elderly population?) in the 21st century.
Furthermore, international trade has become a human-made trans-boundary carrier of environmentally unsound technologies, industries, goods, and wastes ('bads'). In this case the notion of the enemy gets blurred. However, the vulnerability of states has added an environmental dimension. The environmental defense or, rather, security becomes important at national, international, and global levels.
Natural and environmental catastrophes are turning into famines, which produce a growing stream of refugees fleeing from poverty and environmental disasters. The UNEP estimates that by the turn of the millennium one billion environmental refugees will have been displaced from their homelands because their basic means of survival have been destroyed (Nuscheler,F. 1991).
In general, perfect security is hardly obtainable or definable. That is why attention is usually drawn to dealing with insecurity, or with threats to and vulnerabilities of specific societal entities in the security framework. Of all threats, those are singled out that affect integrity, identity, and independence of the security subject. Sometimes this is a matter of political choice rather than an objective fact taking into account specific or diffuse, temporal and spatial nature of threats, their probability and consequences, uniqueness and previous historical experience, etc. B.Buzan argues that perhaps only the Dutch have a well-developed historical sense of environmental threats as a national issue (B.Buzan).
Threats accepted on the political agenda are usually legitimized and the mobilization of resources and the use of extreme measures, sometimes including force, for their management are effected. Thus the goal of security is to protect from (remove or alleviate) external and internal threats and keep vulnerability low.
The management of threats (or environmental changes) involves their monitoring, identification, analysis, assessment (including perception), threat communication, and management of threat realization (emergencies). The management of vulnerability is the development of the capacity to withstand or be insensitive to threats. Many of these threats are increasingly of international (regional to global) nature.
Global Change and Environmental Security
The issues affecting sustainable development
options are especially manifest in the case
of global environmental change (GEC). The environment rarely comes
as the sole or even main cause of social (intra-
or international) tension. The five main factors affect international security
in the case of GEC and cause
or contribute to social tension:
a GEC heterogeneous perception by countries,
its uneven impact on countries and regions,
a differing contribution of countries
to GEC,
a heterogeneous national/regional response
and the capacity to respond to GEC,
risks and uncertainties in the knowledge about GEC
In addition, environmental issues are often linked with others and used as a bargaining chip in international negotiations.
International environmental dimension of GEC has recently
received
growing attention (Keyfitz,N.,1991; Doos, Bo.R.,1991; Maier-Regaud,
G.,1991).
Global environmental change is increasingly considered to have resulted from (e.g. the ozone layer depletion) or been exacerbated (climate change, the loss of biodiversity) by human activities, with an appreciable time lag between human action and nature's response.
On the other hand, there is a body of literature that discusses approaches to environmental security (Perelet,R., Nov.1991, Perelet,R. 1991; Perelet R. et als., 1989;.Gebremedhin et als.,1989; Galtung,J.,1982) and attempts to make institutional proposals for the UN system without taking a systems view of the GEC-sustainable development-environmental security interrelationships.
Global change will probably raise the level of stress in the international system, increasing the likelyhood of conflict and impeding the search for cooperative solutions. In addition, it may force to revise our network of concepts such as 'state', sovereignty', 'national interest' and 'balance of power'.(Homer-Dixon,T. winter1990, p.3). For example, climate warming in the Arctic may result in ice-free access to its seabed/off-shore mineral resources, the use of northern sea-routes, a change in human settlement/economic activity (including fishery, waste disposal) areas, telecommunication paths.
There is a need to think systematically about conflicts arising from the expectation that future global change could benefit some social groups, countries, or generations at the expense of others; from direct consequences of global environmental change, such as migrations of environmental refugees or pressures to redraw borders in the face of changes in agricultural productivity; and from long-range and direct consequences, such as disruption of ecosystems due to acid precipitation or loss of global biological diversity resulting from activities occurring within domestic jurisdictions of single countries. Some of these types of conflict will prove resistant to resolution through ordinary procedures for handling social conflict, such as diplomacy and negotiation. (P.Stern, Young,O., Druckman,D. (ed.), 1992).
The following environmental security risks should be taken into account: changes in 'free' environmental services (availability and distribution among countries is a critical issue), such as changes in seasonal weather patterns, sea level rise, biodiversity patterns, ecosystems (both marine and terrestrial) biomass. These changes affect the economy (agriculture - crop yields and structure, irrigation patterns, pests, etc.; fisheries - food security; fresh drinking water supply; industrial siting; energy requirements and supply, and development investment pattern) as well as the social fabric (environmental refugees, change in life styles and access to natural resources, etc.). These changes may lead to global change related intra- and international tensions and conflicts.
The relationships between climate change and acute conflict can be traced back in history with reference made, in particular, to climate induced floods and subsequent food shortages that triggered popular unrest in Castille in the fifteenth century.(Homer-Dixon.T., Fall 1991).
At present, in connection with global warming Canada is concerned over growing demands in the northern hemisphere for the biotic and abiotic resources since international competition for these resources - and the methods and rate at which they are harvested - have become major sources of conflict and negotiation. Controversies have arisen over fishing equipment, marine pollution, resource ownership, and territorial and jurisdictional disputes. Population displacement is taken seriously in this context since conflicts between indigenous peoples and forced migrants could represent a major security concern in the future. (Environmental Security Panel Decides on Two Case Studies. Delta, 3,1, summer 1992, pp.6-7).
Global policy problems involve relationships between states, the need to manage domains that are beyond the political jurisdiction of states. Some ostensibly internal problems become global policy problems when the outside community takes a special interest in them (e.g. Amazonian rain forest, lake Baikal).
There are many examples of environment-security linkages that suggest possibilities of environmental, in particular, climate change, food issues, water conflicts, access to Arctic minerals in a'greenhouse world', environmental changes in the Phillipines, Mexico and the middle east, ozone depletion to trigger instabilities and and security concern. (Dalby,S, 1992, p.510).
In the meantime international economic, political, humanitarian, and even military debates are being increasingly loaded with environmental issues that affect integrity, identity, and independence of countries as well as the health and well-being of their populations, i.e. their security.
For example, biodiversity issues include the distribution of costs and benefits in using freely available germplasm in the South for the needs of medicine, agriculture, and biotechnologies in the North to be later sold as trademark protected products to the developing countries (the issue of the infringement of sovereignty by freely privatizing biodiversity as global commons within national boundaries). Global climate change management includes the distribution of CO2 related liabilities of developed countries accumulated over decades among all countries in the atmospheric global commons and setting up henceforth quotas and charges for exceeding the latter. These issues generate heated international debates.
The two major sources of international conflict: first, a human-nature conflict that results in environmental assest insufficiency (scarcity) at national, regional, global levels, and second, acute differences (disparity) in environmental wealth among countries. Environmental insufficiency and disparity are manifestations of new environmental scarcities.
The direct impact of these scarcities on population impairs its health and welfare and leads to human disquiet and/or displacement elsewhere. The indirect impact - perception of these scarcities (as some other countries' externalities) makes countries (their governments) to seek abroad a culprit or an enemy to put a blame on. Internalizing or trading in ecoexternalities becomes important to settle environmentally related disputes. The recent studies indicate that scarcities of renewable resources can contribute to conflict, and the frequency of such unrest will probably grow in the future.
However, what is important is whether people are harmed by scarcities and whether political and economic systems could provide the incentives that enable people to alleviate the harmful effects of environmental problems. In any case, the entire Middle East is argued to face increasingly grave and tangled problems of water scarcity that can affect the region's stability. Tens of millions of Chinese are estimated to try to leave the country's impoverished interior and northern regions - where water and fuelwood are desperately scarce and the land often badly damaged - for booming coastal cities which can lead to bitter disputes among these regions over water sharing and migration. (Homer-Dixon,T. et als., Feb.1993).
The following strategies for regional international community can be
suggested:
- the "think globally, act locally" approach;
- participation in global preventive
strategy elaboration (global commons management
with carbon taxes, tradeable permits, global green fund, a global
climate change (GCC) monitoring system, etc.;
- regional co-operation on:
(a) setting up buffer stocks (an insurance policy); adaptation
policy - creating water, food, energy, gene banks, e.g. making water reservoirs
for regional use and access, management of international ground
water aquifers; arranging access to environmental resources outside
the region;
(b) management of GCC vulnerable
ecosystems (e.g. desertification, tundra changes in the
Arctic);
(c) regional monitoring of GCC and human response (perception,
communication, analysis, assessment);
(d) regional management of GCC-related natural calamities;
(e) regional management of
sea level rise (defensive construction, salinity intrusion
in estuaries);
(f) management of GCC-related international
tension and/or conflicts (negotiation mechanisms,
environmental diplomacy, conventions, technology transfers, etc.).
Efforts in the above directions at the international level, especially, through the Human Dimensions of Global Environmental Change Programme can be very instrumental (Jacobson, H. et als., 1990).
Managing environmental disparity
National environmental security (and sovereignty)
can be affected by three major factors (two external
ones and an internal one):
- trans-boundary, regional, global environmental
change adverse impact on the nation-state' environmental space,
- the use of international trade for overexploitation
of the country's environmental resources
and for transfer of environmentally
unsound technologies, industries, waste (the 'not in my background' - NIMBY
- approach effect);
- a country becomes a source
of goods and a sink for bads internationally,
- environmentally unsound internal development.
International responsibility and liability of states, enterprises, companies for overexploiting and fouling the environmental space (or ecosystems) grows in importance to settle international disputes and conflicts. Adverse environmental effects or threats on states can be accidental or cumulative; of natural, human-induced natural, or purely anthropogenic (e.g. CFC releases) origin.
Differing national environmental 'potentials' cause international tension. Hence, a need for narrowing these potentials to achieve ecoparity (Perelet, R., Iakimetz,V.,1992).
Environmental parity oriented instruments
(environmental resource transfer or access instruments) at state and company
levels have recently been given greater
attention and include the following:
- off-set investments that allow firms to remedy
environmental damage in one country by cheaper countervailing measures
in another,
-tradeable pollution permits that fix global emission limits
for countries or industrial sections,
- reduced import tariffs on environmentally sound technologies,
goods and equipment,
- tax breaks for the use of 'green' technologies,
- more flexible repatriation limits for income made
from these technologies which could provide firms with
necessary financial break to enable investments
in more costly, green technologies in less developed countries,
- higher tariffs or taxes on polluting products or technologies,
with the revenues collected to be used to subsidize the acquisition
of environmentally safe technologies,
- bulk purchase agreements for a region,
- purchase guarantees by bilateral, multilateral
or regional funding agencies which could underwrite
less developed country purchases of sound technology,
- an international technology bank, funded by country
pledges, could acquire the rights to innovative green technologies so
as to make them easily available to
environmentally less advantageous countries,
- an international center to settle investment disputes
could curb restrictive business practices that block environmentally
less advantageous country access to sound
technologies, such as restrictive licensing arrangements
and prohibitively high prices,
- debt-for-nature swaps,
- development assistance programmes that
could also provide additional impetus to green
technology transfers. Some of these instruments have
already been used (Transnationals, 1992). Their efficiency
varies.
Arguments against the notion of environmental security
However, it is sometimes argued that linking environmental themes to national security is a mistake which leads away from dealing adequately the environmental challenges already facing the planet. However, in this case security is narrowly considered to be handled by military means which is often inappropriate against environmental threats. 'Defining environmental issues in terms of security risks is in itself a risky operation... we may end up contributing more to the militarization of environmental politics than to the demilitarization of security politics' (Brock, L.1992).
L.Brock warns that the concept of environmental or ecological security invites some second thoughts, not necessarily to be discarded but perhaps to be used with some caution. He argues that security policies are essentially status quo oriented. "The most common argument against change is that it might jeopardize security. With this connotation of security, the term 'environmental security' would become a contradiction in itself, because ecological thinking is static and specific. The contradiction can be overcome by re-defining security to make it conducive to ecological thinking. However, in the light of the previous experience with 'economic security' he believes that the concept of environmental security - regardless of intent - may be invoked to defend the status quo of the present world ecological order, in which the distribution of benefits from environmental degradation is clearly in favor of the highly industrialized countries".
Furthermore, defining ecological interests in terms of security needs could contribute more to the militarization of eco-politics than to a demilitarization of traditional security thinking at a time when military budgets will be shrinking substantially due to changing international threat perceptions after the demise of the East/West conflict. It may be tempting for the military to embrace environmental concerns as a fashionable field of activity. Or if the military is tempted to take over environmental tasks, then researchers should formulate some counter-claims. Whether this can be done by first referring to environmental problems as security issues and by then trying to give the security issues a meaning conducive to the values of peace research remains an open question. (Brock, L. Nov.1991). In addition, L.Brock believes that singling out 'environmental security' may place it over economic and social aspects of security.
L.Brock suggests that the environment should be delinked
from national security. The issue to be considered would be social security
or food security rather than national security. But here, too, he
points to various problems to be solved.
(1) It it were assumed that the environment is part of
security needs, then the longing for security may be one of the major obstacles
to the kind of change that would be necessary to attain environmental sustainability.
(2) Indicators for environmental security are difficult to establish.
In the case of food security, a certain intake of calories has been defined
as demarcating line between security and insecurity. But, with the
environment, there is no 'safe' pollution.[this is a weak point.
First, there no exact numerical indicators of when a conflict or
a war may start but military security is well recognized. Second,
there are norms - maximum allowable concentrations for many pollutants,
etc.)
(3) He raises an interesting point - conflicts
among different kinds of security . He thinks that social and food security
cannot contradict, while ES can with them. Then, environmental
security may be viewed differently for different people. The poor
may degrade the environment (to lower environmental security
) in order to raise their food security. [But different
kinds of security can be related to different kinds of needs that also
compete.]
He says that development cooperation cannot be defined away by referring
to environmental security is a basic human need (p.32). He
stresses that social relations cannot be viewed as security needs.
Security and human right lose their specificity if they are applied to
every conceivable private grievance and public concern. Establishing
a hierarchy of security concepts, in his view, is no way out by constructing
environmental security as some form of super-security encompassing good
governance, participatory democracy, economic security, and so on.
In his view. one should not fall into a trap of claiming a new way of looking
at the world while doing no more than giving new political challenges new
names. (p.32).
(Brock, Lothar. The environment and security: conceptual and theoretical
issues. In book "Conflict and the Environment." Ed. by N.P.Gleditsch
in colloboration with L.Brock, T.Homer-Dixon, R.Perelet, E. Vlachos. Kluwer
Academic Publishers. ISBN 0-7923-4768-4. 1997).
R.Moss questions the usefulness of using the notion of environmental security. He considers its two meanings as he sees it. First, the notion could be used to call attention to the fact that 'the security of the environment' needs to be protected from the threats posed to it by human activities. Second, it could be intended to imply that threats posed by global change or environmental degradation could have something in common with the sorts of threats of organized violence that are normally considered to threaten national security (Moss,R. 1992).
In fact, he gives preference to the first meaning. However, in this interpretation, the achievement of environmental security is linked with environmentally safe human (or technological) activity or as he rightly puts it it is equated with 'sustainable development' which is different from the extension of the notion of security adding its environmental dimension. He argues that because 'security' threats typically emanate from outside a state's own borders, conceiving of environmental problems as threats to security is likely to direct attention away from one's own contributions to environmental problems. Most importantly, in his view, that the instinct for centralized state responses to security threats is highly inappropriate for responding effectively to global environmental problems. Reliance on market-based approaches to environmental problems will produce the most efficient and workable solutions. (Moss, R. 1992).
M.Soroos warns that the concept of environmental security is associated with a tendency for security concerns to lead to exclusivity as opposed to universality as well as to all consuming commitment leading to the sacrifice of other values, and, lastly, it has an inherent bias towards defensiveness and protection of the status quo. (Soroos,M. 1992).
The lack of different words in Russian for 'safety' and 'security' caused another complication (e.g. the distinction is impossible to make in Russian between 'environmental safety of an industrial factory' aimed at making 'an environmentally safe factory' and 'environmental security of a region' aimed at making the region less vulnerable, or sensitive, to adverse effects of environmental changes).
The allegedly status quo orientation of the ES notion can be waved because, contributing to sustainable development, it is part of intergenerational, e.i. future oriented security. The use of military security capabilities to handle ecoviolence, ecoterrorism, environment de-contamination may be needed. In this respect military conversion and, in particular, NATO's interest in ES and ES cooperation should be welcomed (NATO, Nov.1991). The fear about possible superiority of ES over economic security is hardly justifiable now but the need for re-allocating resources from exaggerated (both in developed and developing nations) military security budget lines to ES has been there at least for the last two to three decades. If sustainable development is the goal it should be of socio-environmental kind (i.e. aimed at meeting social and environmental objectives with efficient economic mechanisms). Two major kinds of threats (and two kinds of security to address them) would be given prominence: social (ethnic, cultural, beliefs, perception and ecorelated disputes) and environmental ones. Military superiority would give way to economic and, increasingly, environmental sufficiency development cooperation. The environmental protection in this context can be considered contributing to the achievement of environmental security, however playing a role of its own in reserving ecological diversity.
Evolving the Environmental Security Concept
In order to establish the boundary conditions within which the world community must collectively work one needs to develop an analytical framework within which the linkages among the principle elements bearing on security and risk management might be better understood and evaluated (Strong, M. 1989).
Two well-documented and deeply analytical papers by T.Homer-Dixon based on findings of the project on environmental change and acute conflict at the University of Toronto (cosponsored by the American Academy of Arts and Sciences) deal with environmental change leading to natural resource scarcities and affecting environmental quality, primarily in developing countries. (Homer-Dixon, T., Fall 1991; Homer-Dixon T. et als. Feb.1993). Methodological, conceptual and practical difficulties in surfacing existing and emerging environment-social conflict relationships are amply discussed there. However, despite the range of case studies which was undertaken, the evidence for a direct causal link between environmental degradation and violent conflict remains speculative and anecdotal. (Global Environmental Change and Human Security Project. International Human Dimensions Program on Global Environmental Change. Draft Science Plan. April 1998, p.11).
In fact, environmental changes (in natural systems and flows) of natural, human induced or human-made origin often produce adverse and usually heterogenous societal effects. If the rate of environmental changes exceed assimilating capacity or resilience of ecosystems and the resultant residual changes are beyond adaptive capability of human systems they are viewed by humans as environmental problems and cause concern. Thus, ecosystem vulnerability is linked with social system vulnerability. Since ecosystem and ecoflow 'boundaries' do not (in fact, cannot) coincide with boundaries of communities, states, and regions, the unassimilated changes in the former affect the pattern of environmental assets or access to them in the latter.
The above indicated social factors of environmental change related heterogeneity cause or contribute to social (intra/international) tension and lead to conflicts.
The human produced environmental load is a major and presently increasing source of environmental change and, therefore, environmental security risks. Environmental security of societal systems is affected by two kinds of interrelated conflicts: between the environment and humans, and environment related conflicts among humans. In fact, the spatial growth and persistence of environmental changes from local to national to international/trans-boundary to global has produced commensurable environmental risks in human community (from individual to global) with added temporal, intergenerational dimension.
Since at the core of environmental insecurity lie human-environment relationships it will remain until the latter is changed. Societal conflicts can be quelled or mitigated if the common understanding of parties involved is reached and solutions are found how to live under present or emerging environmental stress and ways are found of sharing its burden in an equitable way.
The management of environment related conflicts include environmental diplomacy, peaceful conflict resolution approaches, international regimes for vulnerable ecological flows and systems (stocks) such as unique ecosystems of tropical forests, Arctic, Antarctic, fish/bird migration paths, international fishery areas; use of converted military forces to handle ecorelated violence, etc. Research should be carried out to identify key intervention points where policy makers might be able to alter the causal processes linking human activity, environmental degradation, and conflict.
Parallel to these efforts
mutually acceptable paths to sustainable development
should be sought in common.
One approach may start with the
identification of major environmental problems, principle social
effects, conflict taxonomy. Environmental risks
are mainly caused by increased environmental stress which
is a result of population growth and environmentally unsound technological
change. The latter is significantly guided by economic 'rules
of the game', environmental values, environmental legislation,
ecorisk perception. A change
to economics of sustainable development should be pursued.
The following definition is offered: ES is the protection
(of sustainable performance of humans and societal institutions)
from environmental or environment related hazards and threats thereof
to
security.
ES levels: global, international, national, community, household, individual, intergenerational.
ES hazards (threats):
(a) scarcity of environmental assets,
(b) adverse effects of environmental changes on human health
and well-being, and
(c) environment related intra- and international
tensions and conflicts.
Thus, ES deals with adverse impacts on vitally important human and societal functions and structures (flows and stocks) only, with the existence issue as the last frontier. Among them are factors that affect: territorial integrity (spread of environmental emergency areas due to land/soil erosion, sea level rise), social integrity and identity (people's health and livelihood, probability of violence or social tension due to environment related population displacement, settlement pattern change), sovereignty (uncontrolled trans-boundary, regional and global pollution/waste pervasion along natural and trade channels).
It can be quantifiable since insecurity factors can be identified, measured and monitored (e.g., drinking water shortage, sufficient consumption patterns, human and societal vulnerability in the face of environmental changes, threats, and risks, including changes in environment related morbidity, life expectancy). It is an essential component to achieve sustainable development.
ES is distinct from environmental protection though inseparably linked with it. ES presupposes the provision (in particular, conservation) or availability of sufficient environmental assets (or an equitable access to them) as well as environmental risk management. ES is also linked with other kinds of security that jointly safeguard vital functions of sustainable development, including the concern for future generations. The lack of environmental security badly affects the health, well-being, and behavior of human communities at all levels from individuals to nation states to regional to global community and leads, in particular, to social intra- and inter-national tensions. That is why ES is so important to be handled at all levels up to world governance as a long-term issue.
The system of international environmental security should include a complex of principles, legal standards, action plans and strategies, their financial, organizational, scientific, information, educational and other support aimed at joint elaboration of the concept of new environmental thinking and conduct of states. (Evteev,S. et als.,1989)
Thus ES is oriented at minimizing environmental
damages and risks because of humans-nature and environment related
humans-humans conflicts through managing:
environmental scarcity (in terms of depletion of
environmental resources, including the loss
of biodiversity, by achieving ecoparity through acquiring
or getting access to environmental resources
on the equitable basis, creating ecoresource
bufferstocks),
adverse effects of environmental changes,
environment related intra - and
international tensions and conflicts (resulted from the direct
impact of the above two factors and excacerbated by
their heterogeneous perception by countries,
their uneven impact on countries
and regions, a differing contribution
of countries to them, a heterogeneous national/regional response
and the capacity to respond to these factors, including
attempts by some countries or companies to manage the two factors by taking
advantages of weaker regulations, knowledge, etc. in poorer
countries),
environmental risks (forward looking, preventive strategy).
Thus, the management
of environmental scarcity includes environmental
protection measures, sustainable use of resources, and
international co-operation on environmental resource transfers.
The management of environmental
changes deals with:
natural disasters and human induced natural disasters,
unintentional changes (transboundary,
regional, global environmental issues, transfer
of hazardous and toxic substances through trade),
intentional changes (environmental,
aggression, warfare, ecoterrorism);
sudden changes - e.g. industrial accidents, cumulative changes
-e.g. environmental chemical 'time bombs'.
Main environmental security threats come from:
- outside a nation-state:
- premeditated action (the environment
as part of military activity);
- unpremeditated action (long-range trans-boundary
transport of air, water, soil
pollution, regional, global environmental problems);
- within a nation-state: environmentally unsound
national development leads to
environment related intra-national as well as international tension
and conflicts (e.g., that happens in the 1990s to Russia).
Therefore, matters of ES should be handled at the national and international levels by special institutions, e.g. environmental security councils. They should be able to make use of capabilities of various sectoral agencies that deal with environmental protection, human health, economic activities, defence, foreign affairs, etc. to lead to sustainable life-styles, production and consumption patterns.
The following dimensions of environmental security can be considered: socio-environmental (from global to local), international, intergenerational, interpersonal aspects. The cross-cutting issues are institutional (e.g., international environmental regimes, the role of NGOs, TNCs, public movements in decision-making, negotiations), economic (environmental economics issues), social (e.g., environmental values, perception, risk communications), political (e.g., environmental aspects of sovereignty, democracy).
Proposals for Further Studies
Subject 1. Expanded notion of security
The issues to be tackled:
specifics of GEC impact on countries,
environmental factors of international insecurity, case studies of
environmentally related tensions and conflicts
and their effects on national and international
security as well as traditional sovereignty, present Russia
as a factor affecting international security, international economic
relations and environmental security,
international environmental security strategies,
designing a system of international
security and risk management.
Subject 2. Environmental Sufficiency and Parity.
The uneveness environmental situation in countries, causes both internal and international tensions and affects their economic development (meeting human wants and needs). It is suggested that there should exist a certain minimal level of sufficiency in the environmental situation that should not give rise to or advocate conflicts. Internal and international tensions could occur if this level were not reached. In addition, it is also suggested that extremes in the environmental situation of nations should be diminished or leveled out to achieve some level of international environmental parity above or at the sufficiency level. (Parallels are drawn here to military and humanitarian as well as social security issues). International action could be required (under UN?) to meet the above two conditions which are necessary for achieving sustainable development and environmental security.
Environmental parity and sufficiency criteria, indicators, techniques to use them are to be researched into. The following levels of ecoparity are suggested: socio-environmental level (on global and local scales) to achieve global environmental security, international level for international security, intergenerational level for intergenerational security, interpersonal level to achieve individual security and rights to equal environmental security.
A UN document similar to the UN Declaration of Human Rights may be needed in the environmental area but more operationally applicable and formalized to make practical assessments of the environmental situation and and its disparities in different countries.
Research topics under the ISSC Human Dimensions of Global Change Programme that is complementary to the ICSU IGBP include the area of environmental security and sustainable development. This area stresses that environmental security should be considered as an essential component of a comprehensive concept of human security. It raises issues concerning the organization of society and the norms that should guide individual and collective behavior. In particular, consideration of environmental security leads to questions about the interpretation of the concept of sovereignty. How free should and could states be to take actions which may have harmful environmental effects beyond their borders for future generations? Research on environmental security should analyze the prospective costs and benefits of various relevant courses of action in an unpredictable world. Issues involved in inter-personal, inter-regional, international, and inter-generational conflicts of interest must be explored. More attention should be given to how common resources have been treated and might be protected. The great potential range of costs and benefits, many of which may be unquantifiable in monetary terms, will necessitate evolution in methodology of existing fields of social science, including the development of new concepts for inclusion in systems of economic accounting, and likely the creation of new interdisciplinary fields or emphases within disciplines, in order to consider these issues. (Jacobson,H., Price,M. ISSC, 1990.).
Naturally, the environmental security notion cannot be static if it
is oriented at sustainable development. Therefore, there should be
environmental security not only for present but also for future generations.
Environmental threats could be incorporated
in the proposed central early warning system. (South Centre,
October 1992, p.19).